Nominalization as Gradual Reification of Events: "-ion" Nominals between Event and Non-Event Readings

Abstract

The polysemy and the argument-taking behaviour of deverbal nouns have been discussed controversially for a long time. While proponents of lexicalist models assume that deverbal nouns inherit the argument structure of their base verbs, representatives of syntax-based models subsumed under the label ‘Neo-Construction Grammar’ argue that the event and non-event readings of nominalizations are structurally determined. Drawing on a concept from Cognitive Linguistics, a proposal to be made in this article is that the oscillation of deverbal nouns between event and non-event readings depends on the degree of ‘reification’ of the underlying events, which can be represented on a bi-directional scale. Prototypical event readings assume the central position on this scale. In these readings, deverbal nouns follow their verbal bases not only with respect to argument realization, but also with respect to the omissibility of complements. The syntactic activation of inherited arguments and the compatibility of deverbal nouns with temporal and aspectual modifiers decreases towards the (leftmost) substance pole and the (rightmost) object pole of the Scale of Reification. The analyses concentrate on deverbal nouns displaying the suffix -ion.

Publication History:
submitted: 17 November 2025
first review: 17 January 2026
second review: 27 December 2025
accepted: 1 February 2026
published: 1 April 2026